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Confronting Failure in Iraq

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Joe Biden is spot on:

"I have reached the tentative conclusion that a significant portion of this administration, maybe even including the vice president, believes Iraq is lost," Biden said. "They have no answer to deal with how badly they have screwed it up. I am not being facetious now. Therefore, the best thing to do is keep it from totally collapsing on your watch and hand it off to the next guy -- literally, not figuratively."

The challenge will be to make sure the administration doesn't get away with it.

So here's a thought on how those of us who think we've lost in Iraq should respond to when the president rolls out his old-wine-in-new-bottles Iraq strategy next week. Make clear the issue isn't how to succeed, but how to contain the consequences of failure. And to do so now, rather than later.

There are a whole lot of policy implications that come with this shift in focus, including using our troops to resettle Iraqis voluntarily as Rachel has suggested and starting a real diplomatic effort to try to avoid the civil war in Iraq escalating into a regional war.

Let's spend some time here at America Abroad in the next few days fleshing out some of these and other ideas.


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Didn't Ivo Daalder sign a petition right next to the likes of Muravchick and the rest of the PNAC crowd in support of this war?

http://www.newamericancentury.org/iraq-20030319.htm

"The moving hand writes,
and having writ, moves on...

Nor all they piety, nor all thy wit,
can lure it back to cancel half a line,
nor all thy tears washes out a word of it"
- Omar Khayyam

Wow.  Interesting citation / situation. 

Is PNAC now looking to TPMCafe for guidance?

As a nemesis of this site my ask, "Ivo, What say you?"

__________________________________________________________________ 

“I, ..., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic..."

What's your point?
Guilt by association?
So - instead of stating the issue not being how to succeed, but how to contain the consequences of failure, what's your proposal?

Wow! That's a great strategy, Ivo. We should never consider the issue of how to succeed. Frolicking through the many flavors of failure is a much wonkier endeavor for high minded elites like us.

Sheesh!

You choose to legitimize ethnic cleansing in the Balkans and then years later found you wringing your hands that the Balkans was still a basket case. Now, Here in Iraq, you supported regime change in the 90s, you supported the invasion, and here you argue that we should legitimize ethnic cleansing in Iraq and partition so that you and Joe Biden can deny Bush any political points if a success creeps up on the Democrats.

Your idea of using diplomacy on them is great too. That should work great when you walk in and tell them your negotiating strength is backed up by a threat of force that we will initiate and then decapitate. How will they be able to contain their laughter at us?

Right, Success is an issue that we definitely want to shove to the bottom of the pile. Success would be a real disaster...for someone, I wonder who?

I am squinting my eyes and turning sideways reading what you are saying and thinking, what can he possibly be thinking?

Biden's point is well-taken and Ivo's post is an invitation to discuss it, which I appreciate. The sooner we take seriously the consequences of this ill-starred foreign adventure, the better.

starting a real diplomatic effort to try to avoid the civil war in Iraq escalating into a regional war

That's the overriding consideration, I believe, because if that effort is not successful our troops will be right back in the soup in short order, and the cost in blood and treasure will be overwhelming.

The statement on the war by Speaker Pelosi and Majority Leader Reid was welcome. It will be spun negatively by those who disagree, but it was strong, succinct, and well-supported by public sentiment. Perhaps the next step is for Democratic leadership to publicly outline a positive diplomatic strategy for working our way through the regional difficulties the Bush invasion has caused.

It will require talking to foes as well as friends in the region, and a return to a pragmatic approach to foreign affairs. I understand that Congress cannot impose reason in foreign policy, and that Bush may be incapable of delivering it, but Democrats can (a) exert a short-term and long-term positive influence on public opinion in this area and (b) begin to build a constituency for improving our approach to the rest of the world.

Red Planet, I am being honest when I scratch my head in confusion. When I hear people say re-depoly and we will come back "if necessary", or If it gets out of hand we will come back, or in your case, "..our troops will be right back in the soup in short order...".

I honestly don't know what this means. Please tell me under what circumstances you or anyone you have heard from would have us leave and then come back? What conditions would signal a reason to return? If the argument is that the reason to get out is because it is chaotic and getting worse, then how can one argue that more chaos is a green flag to come back in?

We already left once in 1991 and Joe Biden, who is mentioned above, went on for 10 years making sure to mention that if he was in charge he would have driven the tanks all the way to Baghdad (maybe those were in his old facetious days).

So we left and then came back.

I really don't understand and would like to know what this means.

I didn't say we should "leave and then come back."

Biden probably has the situation sized up pretty well with respect to Bush, Cheney et al. Leaving aside, for now, whether Bush should have invaded Iraq, it is clear that he is not now and never has been willing to level with the country and ask for support to do what is necessary to win.

We are not getting out of Iraq easy. It will be a punishing experience. Our best hope is to help forge regional security arrangements that are in the interests of Iraq's neighbors, including those we do not like, so that the civil war in Iraq does not result in a regional conflagration. If we don't get that right, we are probably looking at some unavoidable and serious national sacrifice, like higher taxes and reinstating the draft, to field a military force capable of helping to put out the fire.

That's my point.

I may have misread your "...right back in..." phrase as returning. Aside from you, my confusion still stands for those that argue a redeploy and return option.

I haven't come across that argument, but I think it would take some explaining.

That argument was all the Rage a while back when Murtha was planning on running for President. Nancy has him in a cage under the Speaker's chair now.

... the sooner we are gone...

The consequences of failure have been fleshed out for you in the unanimous report of the Baker commission.

Try to grasp just how serious failure would be before orienting yourself towards containing it instead of preventing it.

If none of the other consequences like humanitarian catastrophe, regional war, emboldened terrorists and demoralization of their opponents mean much to the policy wonks of "America Abroad", consider the consequence that nobody would have the slightest reason to take American policy about anything seriously ever again.

That could have serious career implications for policy wonks.

I'm afraid some of your points elude me. When planners first consider a military action, they need to consider the consequences both of various alternatives of success and failure. In his book Every War Must End, Fred Ikle, an academic with excellent Republican credentials, reviews the disasters that affected nations that started wars without clear end goals, or let mission creep slip in during operations. For that matter, I am reminded of that notable pacifist, Robert E. Lee, commenting "It is well that war is so terrible, lest we become of it." Lee, however, knew both sides of the Terrible Swift Sword.

Diplomacy is one component of national-level grand strategy, which certainly contains military options but is not limited to them. Economic operations, for example, can prevent a nation from being able to fight without acutally beginning warfare.

What modern analysts call deterrence theory -- diplomacy and psychological operations backed by the potential of military force -- easily goes back to Sun Tzu. The "fleet in being" was a key concept in the strategic insights of Alfred Thayer Mahan.

So how do I squint to figure out what you are thinking, which seems to suggest that military victory is the only way to settle conflict?

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

We failed the day we started an unjust war in the wrong place.

Old Arab proverb: "Examine what is said, not him who speaks."

I am examining what is said - what is said today, versus what was said yesterday. Strangely, they don't seem to match up. Where is TPM digging up these guys?

There's another saying: fool me once . . .

Arthur, can we talk about an end game, then? Given the current situation, and setting aside for another discussion how we got here, what goals should we set for ourselves? If we do our best, what can we realistically hope Iraq will look like when the fighting and dying of Americans is over?

  • An orderly, democratic society in Iraq within 5-10 years, America's security and economic partner in the region, host to military bases that allow us to project American power throughout the Middle East.
  • An authoritarian but benign regime in Iraq, partnering with America as above but not democratic. Maybe in the same time frame.
  • A Shiite-dominated state trending toward theocracy but willing to accept America as a security and business partner, with or without hosting significant American military bases.
  • A hostile Shiite theocracy.
  • A partitioned Iraq, with only the Kurds willing to partner with America and host bases.

  • The list is intended to be suggestive, not exhaustive. At the very least I've left out the most dire alternatives.

    What end state is both possible and desirable?

I'd like to hear that too, TJKING. But before you post, please carefully consider the definition of that word which you sling about so much: success. Define it in your next post. Please. Otherwise, a plausible reply to Howard's question might be, "Truly, you fool, success is the only way to settle conflict." And that gets us nowhere. So again, please, define that for which you argue.

No, you're not examining what is said. You've hung him by making a connection that may or may not exist (Muravchik, et al.). His words are rendered impotent through your association, and thus are irrelevant within your argument. So it's impossible - indeed, a waste of your time - for you to have examined what is said.

setting aside for another discussion how we got here, what goals should we set for ourselves?

Yes that is a good approach to discussion.

My expectation of the outcome is not a state but an ongoing process which includes a modernizing and democratizing Iraq as part of a wider transformation of the whole region in the same direction.

I cannot imagine Iraq or any other democratic state allowing itself to be used "to project American power throughout the Middle East". I expect Iraq and other successor regimes to the tyrannies that America supported in holding back all social progress in the region to be justifiably suspicious of the USA but cautiously willing to cooperate with it precisely to the extent that the USA sides with the new regimes against the old order.

Initially I would expect the successor regimes to be either led or strongly influenced by strongly anti-American islamist parties like the Shia islamist Daawa and SCIRI parties currently leading the government of Iraq (soon to be joined by the Sunni islamist Iraqi Islamic Party), the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas in Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Palestine and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

However that is because of the legacy of decades of autocratic rule in which islamists organized around the mosques were the only opposition parties that could flourish while more progressive forces were ruthlessly crushed by the autocracies in the name of anti-communism.

I view it as only an unavoidable stage in opening up stagnant societies. In many cases, including Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine I would expect, even initially, coalition governments including more progressive non-islamist parties, sometimes dominant (eg Fateh in Palestine).

The existing coalition in Iraq includes secular Kurdish parties (Kurdish nationalist and social democratic) and is likely to include greatly strengthened Arab secular parties before the Kurds can become independent.

Likewise the united front preparing to take power in Syria already extends to secular parties and the main Sunni, Druze and Christian parties in Lebanon are also non-islamist.

The reason Americans are fighting and dying for this sort of outcome is that the alternative is a continuation of the seething obsessions with hatred of America resulting from decades of backing tyranny and consequent breeding of jihadis. Nothing short of thoroughgoing democratic revolution and modernization is capable of ending the threat from jihadis in the long term.

The total number of American civilians killed in a single day by jihadis is not much less than the total number of American soldiers killed so far in 4 years of war aimed at unleashing that process of change.

An explanation of this perspective on American policy can be found in a pdf downloadable book The islamic paradox by Gerecht. I also believe it is the actual goal of the Bush administration, although, as Gerecht mentions, it does not appear to be.

A central problem has been and remains that this goal is itself regarded as "failure" by almost the entire American foreign policy establishment since their whole careers were devoted to the opposite. Consequently the Bush administration cannot articulate it clearly but has had to dissemble with pretences that US aims were to "disarm Sadaam" or establish pro-American regimes etc.

The focus on how cooperative regimes would be with America in the descriptions of most of your alternatives is symptomatic of the problem.

It is neither necessary nor possible to have pro-American governments in order to end the threat to US interests posed by breeding jihadis in the stagnant swamps of the autocracies.

The only way to modernize those societies and so end the breeding of jihadis is to let the people choose their own governments, which is even less likely to result in pro-American governments than it does in Western Europe.

The absurdity of imagining that the US could achieve pro-American regimes is highlighted by the current defeatist mood. Instead of assuming that the Bushies were insane for attempting it and/or especially incompetent in execution, I have always assumed that could not possibly have ever been the goal since it would indeed have obviously been insane.

Red, You are one of the first I have seen here, to lay out some of the possible outcomes of current decision making. Add to your list of "5 year plans" the "total chaos"/Beirut possibility.

After a restless night not exactly of nightmares, but of truly weird dreams, what I did NOT need was picturing Karl Rove and Grover Norquist as running vinyards, with the observation

"I wonder what the vintners buy
Half so precious as what they sell?"


--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Excellent post, Arthur. Let me add one observation, and, if I may, refer to a story that has served me well, and of which your analysis reminds me. I'm downloading the reference; thank you for it.

I will throw out an observation that I hope can be checked by people with greater knowledge in the relevant parts of cultural anthropology. Some societies, such as tribes of the US Northwest coast, historically have some form of potlatch: status accrues to the one who gives the most. Certainly, there is some of this in Arab tribal situations; I'm thinking especially of the House of Saud and the Bedu, but not at all exclusively.

There are various restrictions on middle eastern countries, imposed by the US, that may have more symbolic meaning in US domestic politics than to the supposedly restricted country. Recognizing Iran is not Arab but that the Persian customs do have a flavor of potlatch, I wonder what the effect might be of an American president saying "for reasons of the past, the United States has blocked some of your funds/access to technology/etc. In the perspective of history, these are small issues that should not interfere with the talking of great nations.

"Unquestionably, there will be individual issues on which our countries totally disagree. Let us, however, get as much symbolism as possible out of the way, treat one another respect, and find even small things where we can cooperate. Great nations cannot reform one another with a single blow, but every journey must begin with a single step."

Putting someone on an "Axis of Evil" accomplishes nothing except pandering to a political base, nor does communication containing nothing but "Death to America". Or, as Mr. Spock quoted an ancient Vulcan proverb, "It takes a Nixon to go to China."

Have you read the story "Space Jockey", by Robert A. Heinlein? While its technology is dated, it is remains an excellent exploration of many aspects of the human mind.

In one part of the story, a totally unqualified individual fires the main rockets. The pilot is knocked unconscious, and time elapses before the rockets can be shut down. What is then obvious is that the spacecraft is in a very bad ballistic path without fuel to get to its destination. Eventually, the pilot calls the expert astrogators.

The astrogators agree he does not have the fuel, in his current trajectory, to blast back to where the accident occurred and start over. They point out that he has a chance, if a slim one, to start over as a new navigational problem: decide where he is and how fast he is going in what direction, and select a new course that will get him from his current position to the destination. That latter alternative will need perfect piloting, correct measurement of remaining fuel, and a great deal of luck.

Is there a Space Jockey parallel here, I wonder?

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

[deleted duplicate]

My expectation of the outcome is not a state but an ongoing process which includes a modernizing and democratizing Iraq as part of a wider transformation of the whole region in the same direction.

It is a vision I think most Americans would support if they thought it was realistic and could be achieved at a reasonable cost. The gap between expectation and where we find ourselves is what we are all trying to deal with here.

If the outcome is a process, today our military is bogged down in a process that appears to be leading us away from the goal, sustaining mounting casualties and not seeming to be able to quiet a growing civil war.

The costs of the war are direct and indirect. Among the direct costs, treasure is pouring into Iraq and blood is pouring out.

The opportunity costs are enormous. Here at home attention and funding are diverted from global warming, energy conservation and development, education, health care and other issues vital to us. Globally, Afghanistan suffers, the pursuit of Al Qaeda is abandoned, we lose credibility and influence with friends and foes alike, oil supplies are threatened and the rising cost of oil pours hundreds of billions into the very states that oppose us.

The thing is unraveling before our eyes. The cost of a military solution would likely be order-of-magnitude increases in blood and treasure.

It is fair, necessary even, to ask whether the benefits that can reasonably be expected to flow from our military efforts are worth the costs, and to contemplate alternatives. If we have lost this round, and it looks like we have, that does not mean our engagement with the Middle East is over. It does mean we must radically reassess our approach.

In this case, I think it means we have to rebuild the credibility of our diplomatic efforts, at the UN, in Europe and in the region. No, I don't think that will be easy, just more productive than trying to win the thing with rockets and guns.

(P.S. -- I could have saved myself the writing of this and just seconded Howard's reference to "Space Jockey." But since it is written I will post it.)

Although I always thought invading Iraq was a mistake and probably still would have oppposed it, but what an opportunity George Bush missed by not laying out a coherent plan, including realistic goals and the real sacrifices necessary to achieve them, and convincing the majority of Americans to support his vision, and bringing in significant international support. What a loss, not just to us, but to the world!

It is time to have a very clear vision and a very clear commitment to the shared sacrifices we will have to make to extricate ourselves from this mess without further damage to ourselves, the Middle East and the international community. That's why I'm glad Ivo started this discussion.

Heinlein was a fine ethical guide for many situations. I've just read Variable Star, the semi-posthumous novel that Spider Robinson was chartered to write from newly discovered notes by Robert Heinlein. Heinlein and Robinson were friends, and indeed Robinson considered Heinlein his mentor.

While Spider is an outstanding writer on his own, I was a little disappointed -- the authorial voice is much more Spider than Robert. The book is still worth reading; there are images and ethical choices that I can hear in Heinlein's voice.

To digress even farther, for those who have read Stardance by Spider and his dancer/choreographer wife Jeanne, there are some new developments where fiction meets reality. Jeanne has authorized the making of a Stardance movie, believing that computer graphics are now up to her vision. I contributed to the Stardance Foundation, and corresponded a bit.

I had not known that Jeanne Robinson was short-listed, not far after Christa McAuliffe, for the "citizen in space" program with the Space Shuttle, shut down after the disaster. Would Jeanne have actually tried the Stardance, or at least done the research for it? We will never know.

For those who have not read Stardance (the first book of a worthwhile trilogy), get it.


--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

You've opened a new world for me, Howard. Where have I been the last 30 years?

I looked it up. Spider Robinson. Lady Slings the Booze. Travis McGee.

Travis McGee! I've been taking my retirement in installments since I read "The Empty Copper Sky" (and subsequently almost anything else by McDonald).

I've miss the Robinsons entirely, been somewhere else in space and time, and I'm currently looking for some fiction to read. Now I know where to look.

With Robinson, while the books stand well on their own, he does have several series that make sense to read in order. There's Stardance-Starseeder-Starmind. Lady Slings the Booze is a later, almost backstory, in the series that starts with Callaghan's Crosstime Saloon.

Another series, which occasionally overlaps with the Callaghans, either starts with a fantastic short-story-to-novella, "God is an Iron". That story expands into a chapter of the book Mindkiller, and Time Pressure is another in the same universe. Baen Books confused things a bit by publishing Mindkiller and Time Pressure in a book called Deathkiller, but then went on to create a trilogy volume called Lifehouse.

Mindkiller manages to convey both the most utopian and most dystopian of futures, depending on how some brain function research is realized. He sometimes fuzzes the neurophysiology, but it's accurate enough that I can suspend disbelief.

I hope I've now read everything by Heinlein, including the pseudonymous works, thanks to the USENET alt.fan.heinlein newsgroup. Spider Robinson does drop into alt.fan.callahans, although the callahans newsgroup has more of a learning curve about its customs -- they just won't make sense unless you've read several of the books. AFH is usually more relaxed. As soon as my other computer gets here, probably next week, I'll get back to a few newsgroups.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

[moved from wrong position]

If my understanding of Bush's actual plan is correct (see Gerecht links above) there isn't the slightest chance laying it out would have resulted in Congressional authorization in 2002.

Although support for the official war aims has collapsed (eg nobody believes its about WMDs, or a pro-American regime) and therefore total support for the war is now a minority, that minority now includes far larger numbers who support what I believe are the actual war aims than existed four years ago. Right now the US actually is allied with a freely elected government based on islamist parties in Iraq. Practically nobody supported that before the invasion although it was the inevitable result of any success in holding free elections (as was pointed out by "realist" opponents).

PS On the Heinlein digression, you and Howard might be interested in Red Star which would have been "Red Planet" since it is set on Mars but was written by Bolshevik author Bogdanov in 1908. See also critique by Ilyenkov.

Despite being written in 1908 it has nuclear weapons, anti-matter, and other remarkably modern elements.

I haven't read "Space Jockey". I certainly agree the problem the US faced after 9/11 involved selecting a new trajectory rather than attempting to return to the previous situation. It also required selecting a new destination for a crash landing.

On Iran, I think the effect of reconciliation would be:

1. complication of relations with the Sunnis in Iraq (whose fight to dominate the Shia is framed as being resistance to Safayid Persians).

2. undermining relations with Sunni states.

3. slowing down the adaptation of Israeli public opinion to withdrawing from the West Bank by undermining the mantra "Israel is at war with iran, Israel has always been at war with iran" that is helpful in demobilizing the rejectionists still holding out for "judea and samaria".

I don't see it having much positive effect in Iraq. The Iraqi government already has much better relations with Iran than the US ever will.

The Iranian regime also has little to gain since it would undermine their demagoguery and strengthen the very strong opposition to the regime internally.

You make some reasonable points about reconciliation with Iran, although I wonder if a counter-letter to the "noble Iranian people" might have any useful effect on bazaaris, students, etc. Nothing major, I agree, other than perhaps neutralizing or minimizing a perceived propaganda advantage.

Let me turn to another country, about which I find several very confusing things: Syria. While the official line is that while Syria is not part of the "Axis of Evil", it remains a bad guy vis-a-vis Lebanon and perhaps Iraq. At the same time, there are continuing reports that Syria is one of the destinations for US rendition. If both of these are true, the intricacies might stun Machiavelli, although I suspect that the mind of the Sudanese, Hassan al-Turabi, might have enough twisty little passages in all directions to cope.

What should the US policy be toward Syria? Are there any short-term opportunities? I have no idea.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

I'll find them. Thanks.

PS Forgot to mention that Kim Stanley Robinson's Red Mars was partly inspired by "Red Star" and one of the characters pays tribute to this by being a descendent of Bogdanov

"It is easier to destroy thousands of human lives than to save a single one"

Gerhard Domagk, 1939 winner of the Nobel Prize for Medicine

from a journal he kept after imprisonment by the Gestapo, 1939

quoted in The Demon Under the Microscope, Hager


Ironic that after 3,000 American dead, and hundreds of thousands of dead, wounded or displaced Iraqi's, Domagk's comment holds true.

Is there evidence that one single person's life has been saved by the launching of this war?

Cross posting.  I am so impressed by an editorial in a Scottish newspaper I am linking to